(Edited to Add the Paragraph Returns)
August 17th, 1980
Managua, Nicaragua
General Stanislav Smotrov sat across the table from Daniel Ortega, the chief coordinator of the Junta of National Reconstruction, and the de facto leader of Nicaragua. Smotrov had little regard for his Latin American host. As far as he was concerned, Ortega was simply the biggest roach in the nest. His sole claim to fame was overrunning the other bugs to take over this backwater. He scoffed at the idea that Ortega and his Sandinista movement had anything to brag about. In the months he had been in country, he’d seen how undisciplined and uncoordinated their armed forces were. If that was any indictment on how poorly their enemies had conducted themselves, Smotrov believed that his single brigade could subdue the entire country in a week’s time.
That was what Moscow had given him to work with. The Soviet Army Chief of Staff, Nikolai Ogarkov, had assured Smotrov that they were not expecting him to conquer the Western World with his pathetic banana republic army. Nevertheless, Smotrov resented having to work with such amateurs. Fortunately, thanks to his connections in Moscow, he was getting the support he needed. Additional personnel and equipment had been coming in over the past several months, and on paper, this was looking like a genuine fighting force.
“We are seeing increased activity along the border with Honduras,” said Ortega, pulling Smotrov back into the meeting. “My sources have told me that this directly results from Somoza sympathizers preparing an offensive to retake the country.” It was clear that Ortega believed not only that the enemy was consolidating forces (which was no doubt true), but also that they could mount a serious offensive to take back what they had lost during the revolution. Smotrov had enough pride in his craft to dismiss the thought. But he knew he must placate the strongman.
“Mr. Ortega, I believe that you are correct. Your enemies
are gathering and plotting against you. I don’t think any rational person would argue with that. It is our goal to ensure that these oppressors can never return. I assure you that the forces we have in place are more than enough to prevent these Counter-Revolutionaries from conducting a successful attack on your territory.” It was clear from his expression that Ortega wasn’t convinced.
“Of course, that says nothing of your Honduran neighbors to the north, nor their American friends,” continued Smotrov. “In order to ensure that you can maintain your independence in the face of their naked aggression, I suggest we work with Moscow and Havana to secure Naval defenses to ensure that we can defend your coastline against American aggression.”
That suggestion was misleading. Smotrov had already been working with Havana and Moscow to secure a small fleet of missile patrol boats. The deal that Smotrov had brokered transferred seven of the venerable Moskit missile boats (referred to in NATO circles as the “Osa II”), along with crews to operate and train their new owners) to Nicaragua. In exchange, Moscow would send Havana two of their new Vikhr hydrofoils, as well as four Ovod missile corvettes. Everyone came out ahead in this deal. The Nicaraguans would suddenly gain a respectable naval presence in the region, the Cubans would significantly upgrade their capabilities to defend themselves from interference by the United States, and (most importantly to Smotrov) all of these vessels would be pivotal in keeping the United States Navy tangled up in the Caribbean during the coming conflict.
“I don’t think you will be able to provide my country with enough naval power to fight the Americans,” said Ortega skeptically.
“That’s true. Our goal isn’t to defeat the entire US Navy. You need to convince them that attacking you will be too costly to bother with.” Smotrov knew that reminding Ortega of his overall insignificance in the world stage wouldn’t win him any points with the man, but he didn’t care. There were realities that they had to deal with and right now there was no time for false flattery.
Across the desk, Ortega wondered if this was how Castro had felt in 1962 when he worked with Moscow to have nuclear missiles deployed in Cuba to deter another American invasion attempt. He knew that his position, so far from the US coast, was nowhere near as valuable as Castro’s. With time though, Ortega envisioned a socialist block in Latin America.
Guatemala was still engulfed in a civil war, but with Soviet and Nicaraguan help, the loose collection of leftist guerrilla forces could finally turn the tide and liberate the Guatemalan proletariat. With Guatemala secured, El Salvador would be next. The brutal repression of the military junta in charge in San Salvador was already meeting fierce resistance. Once El Salvador was caught in the vice of Guatemala and Nicaragua, they would crack. That would leave Honduras.
The past six months had shaken Ortega’s confidence. The United States had shown a renewed interest in the region. The new Secretary of State was pushing for additional support for right-wing governments while paying lip service to the humanitarian reforms for which the socialists were fighting. Ortega knew that for the Socialist Revolution to take root in Latin America, they had to push now. They couldn’t wait to let things play out.
Fortunately, the Soviets appeared to agree with this position. Using the Soviet missile boats and the Cuban crews would help push that forward. Moscow had assured him that they could replicate the successes in Asia in America’s backyard, and that the Revolution would sweep through the Arab world as well. This was a major sea change, and Ortega knew he was an important part of it.
Ortega knew he was getting ahead of himself. He first had to secure his own position, and that meant dealing with these Contras.
“What are we doing to re-enforce our defenses along the northern border with Honduras?” Ortega wanted to get back to the point of this meeting.
“In the short term, we are sending a detachment of our helicopter assault unit to look around and assure these Counter-Revolutionaries that we will not allow any incursions into your territory. In the longer term, we will need to increase the infrastructure in the area.” Ortega wrinkled his brow, not sure where this was going as Smotrov continued. “The mountains and jungle make traversing the terrain difficult. We can’t effectively fight the enemy with our tanks or armored personnel carriers. There’s nothing we can do about that on the whole, however, if we can build a greater network of roads we can link remote hamlets and newly formed base camps. This will allow us to support small infantry units in the countryside with fire support and logistical hubs. Without improvements to the road system, we will have to do most of our support with helicopters or on foot. We don’t have enough of the former, and the latter will drastically slow down our ability to operate.”
Ortega considered this. Previously Smotrov had explained to him that the terrain made traditional “maneuver warfare” unrealistic. If they considered the roads to be more akin to railways, it would be easier to understand. They were fixed transit lines from which there could be no deviation. Just like a rail car. You could transport goods to a point on the network, but once there, it was almost static. As long as you understood these basic rules, you could deploy your forces accordingly. From what Ortega could tell, Smotrov had decided that the existing network was too limited to allow for optimal deployment.
“I see,” said Ortega. “We will need additional heavy equipment if we hope to make progress on this. And there will be expense in maintaining these new roads. I will have to speak with the rest of the Junta to see if we can commit to this.” Ortega knew that Smotrov was aware of what he was doing. He was first asking for a handout: construction equipment for the roads. Then he was threatening to veto the project if he didn’t get what he asked for. The only time Ortega mentioned the other members of Nicaraguan Leadership was when he didn’t want to commit to an action.
“I will speak with my directors in Moscow. It shouldn’t be too much to arrange for some heavy equipment. Of course, they’ll need your assurances that you will agree to the project before they send anything. In fact, I expect them to ask for more than assurances. I recommend you start work on the new routes as soon as possible as a demonstration of your commitment to security and our partnership.”
The two men stood as Ortega put out his hand. They shook on their agreement, and Smotrov left to begin the process of getting some old tractors sent over from Havana.